[Interview] "Vucic Has Completely Lost the Public's Trust... He Cannot Stop Change in Serbia"

University of Belgrade Professor Nebojsa Vladisavljevic

Professionals, including professors and doctors, join to build trust

Restoring democracy and reforming the judiciary are major challenges

"Vucic has now completely lost the public's trust and cannot stop change in Serbia."

In a written interview with The Asia Business Daily on October 30, Nebojsa Vladisavljevic, a professor of political science at the University of Belgrade in Serbia, offered this assessment of President Aleksandar Vucic's political future. He earned a doctorate in political science from the London School of Economics (LSE) in the United Kingdom and has studied authoritarianism and democratization, social movements, and revolutions.

Nebojsa Vladisavljevic, professor of political science at the University of Belgrade. Courtesy of Goran Srdanov and Radar.

In Serbia's snap parliamentary election on October 25, the student-led political force Student List won 52.7% of the vote, defeating President Aleksandar Vucic's ruling bloc. This was possible because election law allows civic groups to take part in elections by submitting proportional-representation candidate lists without forming political parties. It marked the culmination of anti-government protests that began after the Novi Sad railway station collapse disaster in November 2024, just over two years ago. The fact that young students were the driving force behind the end of 12 years of one-party rule drew attention from around the world, including South Korea.

Professor Vladisavljevic said that the consolidation of politically disengaged and undecided voters, whom established opposition parties had failed to reach, was a key reason students achieved a political victory in the snap election. The opposition had failed to expand its support base under sustained attacks from the government, but the tide turned when students who emerged in late 2024 began marching across the country. "Student List's landslide victory is just the tip of the iceberg; it is the culmination of two years of nonviolent resistance involving hundreds of thousands of people," he said.

Participation by professionals also helped students gain acceptance as a political alternative. The 250 candidates Student List put forward for the election were selected by an internal council organization known as the "Student Assembly." They included professors, doctors, farmers, and others with little political experience. Professor Vladisavljevic explained, "At a time when incumbent officials have lost public trust and opposition leaders have faced personal attacks for years, professionals' knowledge and credibility in their fields have become an appealing political alternative."

An election victory, however, does not in itself mean democracy has been restored. Professor Vladisavljevic said a key challenge for the new government will be whether it can reform public institutions undermined during Vucic's time in power, including the civil service, security agencies, judiciary, and public broadcaster. He also stressed that for the student movement to build on its success, it will need a broad alliance that includes established opposition parties and civil society, as well as people from diverse generations and social groups.

Here is the full interview with Professor Vladisavljevic.

-The opposition has long opposed the Vucic government but has failed to bring about a change in government. What was the decisive reason the student movement succeeded?

▲Student List's landslide victory is the result of a two-year nonviolent movement involving hundreds of thousands of people. A broad political and social coalition led by students has called for the restoration of democracy and the rule of law, and an end to rampant corruption and cronyism. This mass participation has its roots in anti-government protests led by the opposition over the past decade. The established opposition struggled to reach beyond its core supporters while facing sustained attacks from media and security agencies controlled by Vucic. But the situation reversed when students, who entered the political arena through university occupations in late 2024, traveled across the country and continued their long-distance marches. Support for the students also rose sharply.

-How did protests over the 2024 Novi Sad disaster develop into a nationwide political movement? Why did students win support across generations and social groups?

▲The protests were sparked when Vucic denied that public officials were responsible for the Novi Sad disaster, which killed 16 people. The opposition initially led the protests, but within weeks the students took the lead. Occupations at five national universities across the country led to teacher strikes, and people from all walks of life, including parents, farmers, lawyers, and artists, joined in. A rally in Belgrade in March 2025 drew 300,000 people, or 4-5% of the population. According to opinion polls, more than 30% of adults had taken part in protests or donated resources over the past two years. The government's harsh crackdown instead spread the civil disobedience movement. The students succeeded in mobilizing even citizens who had been politically disengaged.

-Many of the candidates proposed by Student List are professionals, including professors and doctors. Did both expertise and public trust play a role? Is this similar to cases in which professors supported students during South Korea's democracy movement in the 1980s?

▲From the outset, most professors, university presidents, and deans supported the students' occupations of university campuses. When the government resorted to force to suppress the protests and used pro-government media to vilify the students, professors protected them and consequently went without pay for several months. Serbia has a tradition of intellectuals participating in politics. Professors also supported students during the 1968 protests against the communist system and the student protests against Slobodan Milosevic's authoritarian rule in the 1990s. At a time when incumbent officials and opposition leaders had lost public trust, the knowledge and professional credibility of experts such as professors, doctors, engineers, and lawyers became an appealing political alternative.

-Student List has no leadership, and its candidates come from diverse backgrounds. Do you think it can govern effectively, and what is the greatest risk after it takes power?

▲A defining feature of this movement is its leaderless, horizontally organized structure. It is similar to the Occupy Wall Street movement, Spain's Indignados movement, and the Hong Kong protests against the extradition bill. Students have also set up local citizens' assemblies across the country. The student movement, however, is leading a broad political and social coalition that includes many opposition parties. The opposition's personnel, organizational resources, and experience also contributed significantly to mass mobilization and the election victory. More than half of the candidates proposed by Student List hold doctoral degrees, and many are well-known in their fields. The new parliamentary majority will form a government of experts within weeks. It will have a strong popular mandate to restore democracy, establish the rule of law, and fight corruption.

-Winning the election does not erase the legacy of the Vucic government. What is the most urgent task in restoring democracy?

▲Vucic has now completely lost the public's trust and cannot stop the coming changes. Support for the ruling party is likely to drop sharply in the coming months. The decline could be similar to the fall in support for Viktor Orban's Fidesz after its defeat in Hungary's general election earlier this year. But there are many challenges. The key question is whether the new government can reform the civil service, security agencies, judiciary, public broadcaster, and local governments. Since 2012, Vucic has systematically undermined these public institutions to build a personalized system of arbitrary rule. Whether Serbia can join the European Union (EU) within the next few years is also an important challenge.

-Serbia's political and social environment is unique. Even so, what lessons can civil society and political movements in other countries draw from it?

▲The most important lesson is that opposing authoritarian and populist governments requires broad public mobilization not only during election campaigns but also in ordinary times. The participation of young people is particularly essential. Their horizontal organizing methods can unlock political energy that has not previously been mobilized and inspire a strong commitment to democracy and the rule of law. This creates a formidable barrier for authoritarian leaders who are adept at undermining trust by attacking opposition leaders and prominent government critics. For student and youth movements to succeed, however, they must fight for a cause that goes beyond their own interests. They need to build a broad political and social coalition encompassing opposition parties and civil society organizations, as well as people from diverse fields, social groups, and generations.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.