Ha Heongi: "The People Power Party Is Likely to Be Swallowed by Han Donghoon" [So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show]

Yoonhyung Kim: "Kim Eo-jun Seems to Be Making a Bold Move"

Heonki Ha: "'Core Support Base' Is a Yeouido-Centric Perspective"

Continued Turmoil Likely for the People Power Party

■ Broadcast: The Asia Business Daily's 'So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show' (Mon–Fri, 4–5 PM)

■ Host: So Jongseop, Political Specialist ■ Director: Lee Kyungdo, Producer

■ Guests: Kim Yunhyeong, former full-time deputy spokesperson for the People Power Party; Ha Heongi, former full-time deputy spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea (June 25)

※ When citing content from this article, please make sure to credit 'So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show.'

So Jongseop: Hello, everyone. This is So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show. Today, we will discuss a range of current issues with Kim Yunhyeong, former full-time deputy spokesperson for the People Power Party, and Ha Heongi, former full-time deputy spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea. Assemblyman Jeong Cheongrae said, "Submit the government's proposal related to prosecution reform by today," to which Prime Minister Kim Minseok replied, "There is no government proposal. The basic stance is to abolish the supplementary investigation authority." It seems both the party and the presidential office have reached a consensus on abolishing the supplementary investigation authority. Given that the competition for party leadership is intensifying, isn't it likely that the decision to do away with this issue—which appeals to hardline party members—was intentional?

The Ruling Party Needs to Discuss How to Resolve New Forms of Inequality

Ha Heongi: That's possible. There may have been an intention to de-escalate the politicization of the issue. Assigning the prosecution's supplementary investigation authority as the sole agenda item and framing it as the only reform measure for party leadership contests is not desirable. The ruling party should discuss how to allocate resources. Wealth polarization is worsening, and these days, money makes more money. We need to discuss how to address these new forms of inequality. That is the spirit of the Democratic Party. The notion that the party represents the working and middle classes is rooted in this context, and the supplementary investigation authority issue has nothing to do with that. If the party leadership race turns into a debate over this issue, regular voters might see the Democratic Party as engaged in elite politics with no concern for people's livelihoods.

Former leader of the Democratic Party Jeong Cheong-rae and Prime Minister Kim Min-seok attended the 6.3 Local Election Mayors-Elect Workshop held at the National Assembly Members' Office Building on the 21st. Photo by Yonhap News

Kim Yunhyeong: I think the complete abolition of the supplementary investigation authority is part of Assemblyman Jeong Cheongrae's one-two punch. The "one punch" was the one-person-one-vote system, and the "two punch" is abolishing the supplementary investigation authority. While the one-person-one-vote system was passed due to necessity, Jeong Cheongrae frames the abolition of the supplementary investigation authority by saying, "There are forces resisting reform inside and outside the party, there are obstructionists." That's a very dangerous statement, isn't it? President Lee Jaemyung must have given his consent, which is why Prime Minister Kim Minseok made that statement. I believe President Lee Jaemyung intervened to the fullest extent possible in the party convention after blocking and sealing Jeong Cheongrae's one-two punch.

But is this desirable? President Lee Jaemyung said that this was wrong and asked for deliberation, but even that deliberation seems to have been derailed by the party convention. This is not a desirable situation. In the last general election, the people gave the Democratic Party nearly 180 seats. With such significant authority, there should have been deliberation on how to use that power, but there is no sign of that, and the current flow of the party convention looks like nothing more than a power struggle. There is no sign of policy or ideological debate, which is advantageous for our side, but I wonder if this is right for the country as a whole.

Jeong Cheongrae Seems to Have Met Moon Jaein to Emphasize His Legitimacy as the Democratic Party’s Successor

So Jongseop: The first thing Jeong Cheongrae did after resigning as party leader was to meet with former President Moon Jaein. Why do you think he did that?

Kim Yunhyeong: Isn't it clear that Jeong Cheongrae has now become the definitive anti-Myung candidate? Standing in opposition to a president in his second year in office is not easy. Instead, Jeong Cheongrae seems to be trying to emphasize that he is the legitimate heir to the Democratic Party by positioning former President Moon Jaein as his political patron. I believe Jeong Cheongrae has already defined the nature of this party convention as a contest over legitimacy and succession. He arranged this meeting to show that he is the rightful successor.

Jeong Cheong-rae, former leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, is greeting former President Moon Jae-in at the Seoul International Book Fair held at COEX in Gangnam-gu, Seoul on the 24th. Photo by Yonhap News

Ha Heongi: From my perspective, as someone not strongly affiliated with any faction, I don't find it strange that a former party leader would first meet with the former president produced by our party. That's quite natural. The problem lies in the fact that the situation has been framed for political interpretation. I see this as evidence that the former party leader failed at conflict management. Instead of simply reflecting on the failures of the Moon Jaein government and dealing with both its legacies and burdens, some are treating the former president as if he is to be symbolically denounced when public opinion turns negative. That's not a responsible political stance. However, there does seem to be a trend of treating him in that way, which is not an attitude based on responsible politics.

So Jongseop: When resigning from the party leadership, Jeong Cheongrae said, "The president and I share a common destiny. No one has had deeper conversations with the president than I have over the past 20 years. Jeong Cheongrae is the one who will protect the president to the end."

Ha Heongi: The statement itself is hard to understand. It's unclear what, or from whom, he intends to protect the president. It is not the people who should protect the president; rather, the president should protect the people. There is no explanation of what kind of attack or danger the president needs to be protected from—it's just political rhetoric. What's more puzzling is that it's not the Democratic Party but the Ddanzi Forum, run by Kim Eojun, that is most critical of the president from within. I understand that Jeong Cheongrae frequently posts there. If that's the case, shouldn't he urge people not to attack the president and try to cool things down? That would be protecting the president, but he doesn't do any of that.

'Core Support Base' Is a Yeouido-Centric Perspective—Kim Eojun Is Making His Move

So Jongseop: Kim Eojun has recently become a hot topic within the ruling bloc. Regarding the president's declining approval rating, he said, "The core supporters have folded their arms. They are just watching, and if this continues for too long, they will turn away. Once they leave, they won't return. If prosecution reform isn’t achieved, the president could get hurt in the end," and so on.

Kim Yunhyeong: Kim Eojun's influence must be acknowledged, even if it's not ideal. He clearly built his own path to gain that influence. He is now making a decisive move. With his own position at stake, he is taking a gamble by intervening in the party convention as much as President Lee Jaemyung. By intervening strongly, he is trying to maintain his leadership. People like Kim Eojun on our side believe that figures such as Ko Seongguk should not have excessive political influence. It's fine for them to stick to their roles, but they should not sway the entire political spectrum.

Ha Heongi: The idea of a "core base" is really a Yeouido-centric view. From a civic perspective, when politicians and the government work hard and citizens feel that their efforts benefit the national community, public welfare, or even themselves, then political efficacy goes up, people feel their taxes are well spent, and approval ratings rise.

On the other hand, when voters see politicians not working but simply fighting among themselves—especially if those fights seem unrelated to their lives or the national community and just about defending vested interests—people view any claims that such fights are "for the people" or "for the community" as mere packaging. In those cases, political efficacy declines, people resent paying taxes, and approval ratings drop. The government and political circles need to make it clear that they are working for the people. The lack of that is the reason for the decline, and I think it would be good to acknowledge that with some humility.

There is an analysis that Mr. Kim Eo-jun (right) is trying to exert influence on the Democratic Party leadership election.

So Jongseop: Even during the local elections, except for candidates Kim Bugyeom and Park Chandae, all other Democratic Party mayoral candidates appeared on Kim Eojun's broadcast channel. Even though he is often critical. Two years after the party convention, there will be another general election. Will this pattern repeat?

Kim Yunhyeong: During the last by-election, candidate Ha Jeongwoo from Buk-gu Gap, Busan, appeared on the show and even sang over the phone despite his busy schedule. I was truly shocked. That was during the morning commute period when he should have been greeting voters. He appeared on the show in consecutive episodes. Ha Jeongwoo, whose constituency is Buk-gu Gap, Busan, called it his hometown, which is also the constituency of Assemblyman Jeon Jaesoo, so he must know the local characteristics better than we do. Even among YouTubers in our camp, there are many who make outrageous statements. Such things must be cut off. That's what it means for politics to be on the right track.

No Way to Force Jang Donghyuk Out—Confusion Likely to Continue

So Jongseop: Let's talk about the People Power Party as well. Party leader Jang Donghyuk, after returning from hospitalization, issued a very strong message. He made it clear he won't step down as party leader, right?

Kim Yunhyeong: There is actually no way to force Jang Donghyuk out. According to party rules, for the leadership to step down, four out of five elected supreme council members must resign, or a party member recall must be initiated. But to start a recall, the Party Affairs Audit Committee must approve it. Realistically, the committee is filled with leadership allies, so it's practically impossible. This confusion is likely to persist, and in a situation where he calls for a special prosecutor while aligning with calls for re-election and claims of electoral fraud, there's concern about how credible such demands for an investigation by the National Election Commission would look. There are doubts about how much Jang Donghyuk's message will resonate with the public.

Jang Donghyuk, leader of the People Power Party, is attending the supreme council meeting held at the National Assembly on the 25th. Photo by Hyunmin Kim

Ha Heongi: That's sophistry. Why? Because the idea that party members determine a leader's fate sounds plausible, but in the history of both the People Power Party and our own party, I've never seen a case where party members actually decided whether a leader or lawmaker resigns. They always decide for themselves. Party members simply evaluate by voting; if a candidate is considered good, they become a supreme council member or party leader. But resignation is a matter of personal responsibility for politicians. Because Jang Donghyuk doesn't practice responsible politics, all these problems arise.

As long as Jang Donghyuk remains in charge, it's impossible to grant him the right to recommend a special prosecutor. How can you give the authority to recommend a special prosecutor to a leadership so closely tied to election fraud conspiracy theories? If he steps down and a new leadership not associated with those theories takes over and applies pressure, then it becomes a reasonable fight against the government. If Jang Donghyuk refuses to take political responsibility, there is no way to force him out. So if you ask me what's going to happen, I think this will continue. That's because the pressure to push him out is currently very weak. Members of the People Power Party would need to rise up en masse—90 out of 100, for example—but everyone is lukewarm. With that level of apathy, it's impossible to force him out, which is why I think this situation will persist.

Floor Leader Jeong Jeomsik Needs to Play a Key Role

Kim Yunhyeong: Among lawmakers, there is a consensus that Jang Donghyuk's leadership is failing. I believe Floor Leader Jeong Jeomsik needs to play a crucial role. He is currently gathering opinions by meeting with lawmakers based on their seniority. He could even bring a written paper to deliver a message to Jang Donghyuk.The only tools Jang Donghyuk has left are appointments and disciplinary action, aren't they? To maintain a politics of fear, you need authority, but I doubt there are many who would be intimidated by his disciplinary actions at this point.

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So Jongseop: What do you think about the actions of Assemblyman Han Donghoon?

Ha Heongi: I think the People Power Party will be swallowed up by him. To quote former Mayor Hong Joonpyo, he called People Power Party members and politicians "lemmings." If they follow like lemmings, everyone will go along. If you compare the Jang Donghyuk system and Assemblyman Han Donghoon side by side, Han Donghoon seems to be acting in a way that appeals much more to general voters. For example, he eats with cleaning staff at the National Assembly, and he also broadens his outreach by engaging with lawmakers such as Assemblyman Chun Haram and other People Power Party insiders who may have opposed or criticized him. Unlike in the past, he's taking a very different approach, and the People Power Party's support base is now unsettled. There are few places for conservatives to place their trust right now, so I think the balance will increasingly tip toward Han Donghoon.

The People Power Party Is Likely to Be Swallowed by Han Donghoon—Momentum Shifting Toward Him

Kim Yunhyeong: The greatest benefit of becoming a lawmaker is not anything else, but that you get an office in the National Assembly Members' Office Building. With an office, you can naturally increase your points of contact with other lawmakers. Han Donghoon is expanding his outreach even to those who were previously distant, such as pro-Yoon lawmakers. He is expected to participate in many study groups. When he submitted his first bill, it was co-sponsored by 31 lawmakers, and if you look closely, they represent diverse seniority levels, factions, and regions.

There is no need for him to rush—things will unfold naturally. He will likely send more messages on the future direction for conservatives. Leadership and even rejoining the party could happen organically. The People Power Party has long fought over the past—over martial law, over President Yoon Sukyeol's circle. But now, the conservative camp is fighting over the future.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.