Heonki Ha: "People Power Party Likely to Be Swallowed by Han Donghoon" [Current Affairs Show]

Yoonhyung Kim: "Kim Eo-jun Seems to Be Making a Bold Move"

Heonki Ha: "'Core Support Base' Is a Yeouido-Centric Perspective"

Continued Turmoil Likely for the People Power Party

■ Broadcast: The Asia Business Daily 'So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show' (Mon-Fri, 4-5 p.m.)

■ Host: Political Specialist Jongseop So ■ Director: PD Kyungdo Lee

■ Guests: Former People Power Party Senior Deputy Spokesperson Yoonhyung Kim, Former Democratic Party of Korea Senior Deputy Spokesperson Heonki Ha (June 25)

※ When quoting content from this article, please be sure to credit 'So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show'.

So Jongseop: Hello, everyone. This is So Jongseop's Current Affairs Show. I am joined by former People Power Party Senior Deputy Spokesperson Yoonhyung Kim and former Democratic Party of Korea Senior Deputy Spokesperson Heonki Ha to discuss various issues. Assemblyman Jeong Cheongrae said, "Submit the government proposal related to prosecution reform by today," to which Prime Minister Kim Minseok replied, "There is no government proposal. The abolition of the supplementary investigative rights is the government's fundamental stance." It appears that both the party and the presidential office have settled on the abolition of supplementary investigative rights. In the midst of the increasingly fierce party leadership competition, doesn't it seem like the party is deciding to eliminate this issue of supplementary investigative rights—which appeals to hardline members—altogether?

The Ruling Party Should Discuss How to Resolve New Inequalities

Heonki Ha: That is possible. Perhaps there was also an intention to cool down the political controversy. Because if the ruling party sets the prosecution's supplementary investigative rights as the main agenda and frames it as the only reform issue, turning it into a competition of policy lines in the leadership race, I don't think that's desirable. As the ruling party, there should be more discussion on how to allocate resources. Asset polarization is getting worse these days, and money makes money. We need to discuss how to address these new forms of inequality. That's the spirit of the Democratic Party. Being a party for the working and middle classes exists in that context, but the issue of the prosecution's supplementary investigative rights has nothing to do with it. So if the leadership race becomes centered on this issue, general voters might see the Democratic Party as being preoccupied with elite politics and not caring about people's livelihoods.

Former leader of the Democratic Party Jeong Cheong-rae and Prime Minister Kim Min-seok attended the 6.3 Local Election Mayors-Elect Workshop held at the National Assembly Members' Office Building on the 21st. Photo by Yonhap News

Yoonhyung Kim: I think the complete abolition of supplementary investigative rights was Jeong Cheongrae's planned "one-two punch." The first punch was the "one person, one vote" system, and the second was abolishing the supplementary investigative rights. The "one person, one vote" system was pushed through out of necessity, but for the abolition of supplementary investigative rights, Jeong Cheongrae has been saying that "there are forces resisting reform both inside and outside the party, and there are obstructive forces." That's a very risky statement, isn't it? President Lee Jaemyung must have given his approval, which is why Prime Minister Kim Minseok announced it. I think President Lee intervened to the fullest extent possible by blocking and sealing Jeong Cheongrae's "one-two punch" in the party leadership contest.

But is this desirable? President Lee Jaemyung suggested that this was wrong and called for deliberation, but even that opportunity for deliberation seems to have been lost due to the party convention, which is not a good development. In the last general election, the people gave the Democratic Party nearly 180 seats. With such great authority granted, there should be deliberation about how to use that power, but that's not visible at all; the current flow of the Democratic Party's convention only looks like a power struggle. There is no sign of policy or ideological debate, which is good for us, but from a national perspective, it raises the question of whether this is appropriate.

Jeong Cheongrae Seems to Have Sought Moon Jaein to Assert He Is the Legitimate Heir of the Democratic Party

So Jongseop: The first item on the agenda for former leader Jeong Cheongrae after resigning was to meet former President Moon Jaein. Why do you think that is?

Yoonhyung Kim: Former leader Jeong Cheongrae has now clearly become an anti-Myung candidate, hasn't he? It's not easy to confront a president in his second year in office. So instead, he probably wanted to emphasize that he is the legitimate heir of the Democratic Party by appealing to former President Moon as his mentor. I believe Jeong Cheongrae has already defined the nature of this party convention: it's about legitimacy and succession. He scheduled that meeting to show he is the party's rightful successor.

Jeong Cheong-rae, former leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, is greeting former President Moon Jae-in at the Seoul International Book Fair held at COEX in Gangnam-gu, Seoul on the 24th. Photo by Yonhap News

Heonki Ha: From my perspective, as someone not affiliated with any particular faction, it is not strange for a former party leader to first meet with a former president produced by our party. It's natural. The problem is that the situation itself has become a matter for political interpretation. I think this is evidence of the former party leader's failure to manage conflict. Regarding the achievements and shortcomings of the Moon Jaein administration, we should reflect on the failures, not just inherit the legacy, and take responsibility for the debts as well as the assets. Even if public opinion about former President Moon is not favorable, treating a former president as if it were some kind of symbolic rejection is not appropriate. But right now, there is a tendency for it to turn into just that. I don't think that's a responsible political attitude.

So Jongseop: When resigning from his leadership position, Jeong Cheongrae said, "The president and I are a community of fate. No one has had deeper conversations with him than I have for 20 years. Jeong Cheongrae is the one who will protect the president to the end."

Heonki Ha: The statement itself is hard to understand. I'm not sure what he means by protecting the president from what. It's not the people who should protect the president; the president should protect the people. There is no explanation of what kind of attack or danger the president is supposed to be protected from—it's just political rhetoric. The reason this is hard to understand is that, as I see it, most of the attacks on the president within the party are coming from the Ddanji bulletin board run by Kim Eo-jun, and I know Jeong Cheongrae frequently posts there. So when he's posting, shouldn't he be asking people not to attack the president, saying, "This is getting too heated, let me try to persuade everyone"? But he doesn't do any of that.

'Core Support Base' Is a Yeouido-Centric View, Kim Eo-jun Is Making a Bold Move

So Jongseop: Kim Eo-jun has recently become a hot topic within the ruling bloc. Regarding the decline in the president's approval rating, he said, "The core support base is standing by with arms crossed. If this goes on too long, they will turn away. Once they leave, they won't come back. If prosecution reform is not properly accomplished, the president could suffer later," and so on.

Yoonhyung Kim: I think it's fair to acknowledge that Kim Eo-jun does have power and influence. Although it's not ideal, he has clearly carved out his own path in building up that influence.Kim Eo-jun is making a bold move right now. As his own position becomes shaky, he's playing his cards in this convention, intervening as much as President Lee Jaemyung. By intervening strongly, he's trying to maintain his leadership, but people in Kim Eo-jun's camp and ours agree that figures like Goh Sung-kuk should not have so much political influence. We can accept them fulfilling their roles, but they should not be shaking the entire camp.

Heonki Ha:This 'core base' narrative is a Yeouido-centric perspective.From a civic perspective, when politics and the government work hard and citizens see that work as being for the national community, or for the welfare of the people, or even for their own interests and concerns, then people feel more empowered by politics, are less resentful of taxes, and approval ratings go up.

On the other hand, if voters see politicians as only fighting and those fights have nothing to do with their own lives or the national community—just turf wars and power struggles—and all the talk about serving the people and the community sounds like empty packaging, then people feel less empowered by politics, resent their taxes, and approval ratings fall. The government and politicians need to clearly show they are working for the people, and that has been lacking, which is why approval has dropped. I think it's best to reflect on this with humility.

There is an analysis that Mr. Kim Eo-jun (right) is trying to exert influence on the Democratic Party leadership election.

So Jongseop: Even during the local elections, except for Kim Bugyeom and Park Chandae, all other Democratic Party candidates for metropolitan mayor appeared on Kim Eo-jun's broadcast channel,even though they often criticize him. With another general election two years after the convention, do you think we'll see a repeat of such phenomena?

Yoonhyung Kim: During the last by-election, candidate Ha Jeongwoo for Bukgu-gap, Busan, appeared on the show and even sang on a call despite his busy schedule. I was honestly shocked. That was during the morning commute hours, when he should have been greeting commuters. And he went on back-to-back. Ha Jeongwoo said Bukgu-gap is his hometown, and since it's Jeon Jae-soo's district, he would know the area better than us. Among our YouTubers, there are also people making absurd claims. All of that needs to be cut off. That's the only way politics can get back on track.

No Way to Oust Jang Donghyuk, Chaos Likely to Continue

So Jongseop: Let's talk about the People Power Party. Jang Donghyuk returned after being hospitalized and delivered a very strong message.He clearly stated that he will not step down as party leader, didn't he?

Yoonhyung Kim: There is actually no way to forcibly remove Jang Donghyuk from the leadership.According to the party rules, for the leadership to resign, four out of the five elected Supreme Council members must step down, or the party members' recall system must be invoked. But for a recall, the Party Affairs Audit Committee must approve it. In reality, the Audit Committee consists of people close to the leadership and the pro-leadership faction, so it's practically impossible. I think the confusion will only continue,and when the party demands a special prosecutor to investigate irregularities in the election and allegations of fraud, there is concern over whether this will really look like an effort to uncover the truth. I question how much Jang Donghyuk's message will actually resonate with the public.

Jang Donghyuk, leader of the People Power Party, is attending the supreme council meeting held at the National Assembly on the 25th. Photo by Hyunmin Kim

Heonki Ha: That's sophistry. The idea that party members decide a leader's fate sounds plausible, but in both the People Power Party and our party, I have never seen a case where party members actually determined the leader's or a lawmaker's resignation in history. It's always the individual who decides. Party members only evaluate when someone runs for office—if they're good, they're elected as Supreme Council members or party leader. But ultimately, resignation is the responsibility of the politician. Jang Donghyuk is not practicing responsible politics, which is why everything is problematic right now.

As long as Jang Donghyuk is in charge, there can be no recommendation rights for a special prosecutor.How can you give special prosecutor nomination rights to a leadership so closely tied to election fraud conspiracy theories? If he steps down and a leadership not connected to conspiracy theories takes over and applies such pressure, then you can have reasonable political confrontation. If Jang Donghyuk simply refuses to take political responsibility, there really is no way to force him out.So if you ask me what will happen, I think this will just keep going. Because the pressure to push him out is very weak right now.People Power Party lawmakers would all need to stand up—90% of them out of 100 lawmakers—but that's not happening; everyone is lukewarm. With that kind of weakness, I don't see how you could force him out, so I think this situation will continue.

Floor Leader Jeong Jeomsik Needs to Play a Key Role

Yoonhyung Kim: Among lawmakers, there is a consensus that the Jang Donghyuk leadership is problematic. I think Floor Leader Jeong Jeomsik needs to play an important role.He is meeting with lawmakers by seniority and gathering opinions.He could take a paper with those opinions and deliver a message to Jang Donghyuk, couldn't he?Right now, the only power Jang Donghyuk wields is party positions or disciplinary action, right?For fear politics to work, you need authority, but I doubt anyone would really be afraid of disciplinary action from Jang Donghyuk at this point.

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So Jongseop: How do you assess Assemblyman Han Donghoon's recent moves?

Heonki Ha: I think the People Power Party is about to be swallowed up by him.If things continue as they are—this is a phrase from former Mayor Hong Joonpyo—he described People Power Party lawmakers and politicians as "lemmings."If you act like lemmings, everyone just follows. Comparing the Jang Donghyuk leadership and Assemblyman Han Donghoon side by side, I think Han is moving in ways that appeal much more to general voters. He's expanding his network by, for example, eating meals with cleaning staff in the National Assembly or with lawmakers and party figures like Chun Haram who might have criticized or checked him. Compared to the past, he's taking a much broader approach. Meanwhile, the People Power Party base is unsettled. There's nowhere for conservatives to place their loyalty, so I think the center of gravity will gradually shift toward Assemblyman Han Donghoon.

People Power Party Likely to Be Swallowed by Han Donghoon; Center of Gravity Shifting Toward Him

Yoonhyung Kim: The biggest benefit of becoming a lawmaker is, above all, getting an office in the National Assembly Members' Hall, isn't it? Once you have an office, you can naturally increase points of contact with other lawmakers. Assemblyman Han Donghoon is now expanding his interactions even with those who seemed to be distant from him, such as pro-Yoon lawmakers and others. I've also heard Han will be attending many research meetings. When he introduced his first bill, 31 lawmakers co-sponsored it, and if you look at who they are, it spans different seniorities, factions, and regions.

There's no need for him to rush; things will unfold naturally.He will be able to send out more messages about the direction conservatism should take.Leadership and even the possibility of reinstatement could also happen naturally.In fact, until now, the People Power Party has always fought over the past.They argued about martial law and loyalty to President Yoon Sukyeol, for example, but now the conservative bloc is fighting over the future.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.